World Geostrategic Insights interview with Dr. Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu on the rise of a pan-Turkic identity in Central Asia and Turkey’s positioning as a key economic, political and security partner for Central Asian countries.
Dr. Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu is Assistant Professor at Joongbu University and a Senior Researcher at the Institute of EU Studies at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in South Korea. He earned his PhD in International Relations from Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in Seoul. He completed his bachelor’s and master’s studies in the same field in Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, respectively, the only Turkish analyst who has studied and lived in all three capitals of the Caucasus region. He has experience as a media observer in the United States and he is also a member of the Young Turkey Young America fellowship program at the Atlantic Council. He is the author of many books and articles on regional affairs.
Q1 – According to a circular issued on October 9, the Turkish Ministry of Education has decided that in geography and history lessons in Turkish schools “Central Asia” will be called “Turkistan.” What is the significance of this decision? Is it aimed at gaining consensus in domestic politics, or does it also have geopolitical implications?
This decision reflects a shift in the country‘s geopolitical outlook. The change in terminology aligns with a geography that has completed its post-Soviet transformation. The term Turkistan carries significant weight within Turkish national identity, evoking historical and cultural connections to Turkic-speaking peoples and regions in Central Asia. By embracing this term, the government underscores a shared historical narrative that highlights Turkey’s pivotal role among Turkic nations.
This move aligns with the nationalist discourse promoted by Turkish governments since the early 1980s, particularly resonating with conservative and nationalist constituencies. Its roots extend beyond the current government. Following the 1980 military coup, the country adopted the Turkish–Islamic synthesis as a guiding principle. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 provided a tangible opportunity to implement this policy in practice. This shift can also be viewed as an effort to consolidate political support by positioning Turkey as a cultural political partner within the Turkic world.
From an educational perspective, the shift in terminology seeks to shape young people‘s perspective by emphasizing Turkey‘s historical connection with the Turkic regions. This narrative aims to bolster national unity by instilling pride in Turkey’s broader Turkic heritage. However, I must underline that this approach is not entirely new. Since the early 1990s, school textbooks have consistently featured a “Turkic World” map on their final pages. This map highlights the Turkic presence stretching from Germany and the Balkans to Russia and China, reflecting an enduring emphasis on Turkey’s ties to the Turkic world.
On the other hand, the term Turkistan evokes the ideals of Pan-Turkism, a 19th- and 20th-century ideological movement advocating for the unity of Turkic peoples. By reviving this term, Turkey signals its intention to strengthen ties with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan. This move positions Turkey as a cultural and political hub within the Turkic world, reinforcing its role as a unifying force among these nations.
Q2 – Discussions on a common Latin alphabet for Turkic languages reached a milestone in early September during a summit in Baku of the Organization of Turkic States, which brings together Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Turkey, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. The five countries overcame years of disagreement over letters and diacritical marks and agreed on a common Latin alphabet for their languages. What is the significance and future impacts of this agreement?
The adoption of a common alphabet strengthens the sense of unity among Turkic nations, reflecting a shared commitment to their historical, cultural and linguistic connections. By promoting a Pan-Turkic identity that transcends national borders, it fosters closer ties across the Turkic-speaking world. Normally, a standardized alphabet simplifies written communication, enhancing mutual intelligibility and paving the way for increased collaboration in education, media and publishing. Additionally, it supports the Central Asian Turkic republics in adapting more effectively to globalization by aligning their linguistic infrastructure with global standards.
Many Turkic nations adopted Cyrillic alphabets under Soviet influence which disrupted Turkic linguistic unity. Prior to this period, many had used Arabic or Persian scripts. The transition to a Latin script marks a significant departure from this colonial legacy, symbolizing a reclaiming of cultural sovereignty and a renewed focus on shared Turkic heritage.
This decision represents a step toward deeper integration within the Organization of Turkic States. Notably, it marks the first example of a regional organization adopting a common alphabet for its members in this period.
The move bolsters the Organization of Turkic States as a cohesive bloc, capable of asserting a distinct identity on the global stage. It highlights Turkey‘s high-level partnership role among Turkic nations and reflects the growing alignment of Central Asian republics with Ankara’s vision of cooperation. This initiative can also be seen as part of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk‘s legacy, embodying his emphasis on modernity, unity and strengthening ties among Turkic peoples.
Q3 – Turkey has developed an assertive geopolitical strategy in Central Asia, expanding its footprint in key areas: economy and trade, energy, culture and education, security, defense and regional infrastructure. How do you assess Turkey’s growing role in Central Asia? What could be the regional geopolitical repercussions? By strengthening alliances with countries in the region, can Turkey balance the influence of Russia and China?
Since 1991, Turkey has strategically positioned itself as a key partner in Central Asia’s economic development, concentrating on sectors such as infrastructure, trade and investment. In the early years of Central Asia‘s independence, Turkish firms played a crucial role in the regional economy. In some cases, these firms even used barter trade in which they accepted materials in exchange for goods and services instead of cash. This arrangement was largely due to the high inflation and economic crises that plagued both Central Asian governments and the local population, leaving them with insufficient funds. This flexibility helped build trust and deepen economic ties between Turkey and the newly independent Central Asian states, further cementing Turkey‘s role as a key economic partner in the region.
Leveraging its advanced construction and engineering industries, Turkey has played a significant role in building critical infrastructure, including roads, railways, airports and even presidential buildings. This involvement holds considerable importance, as it reflects Turkey’s ability to gain the trust of the leaders of these countries. The construction of such significant structures goes beyond mere infrastructure—it symbolizes a deepening political and diplomatic relationship. More examples can be given such as appointment of Turkish citizens to key governmental positions including ministries within these countries.
In terms of defense relations, Turkey has strengthened its ties with Central Asia by offering military training, equipment and cooperation in counterterrorism efforts. It is the same in the South Caucasus relationship. Turkey’s experience in counterterrorism and regional stability makes it a valuable security partner for the regional countries, particularly as they confront security threats stemming from extremism and instability in Afghanistan. Moreover, Turkey’s membership in NATO enhances its military credibility and bolsters its influence in regional security discussions, positioning it as a key player in promoting stability and cooperation in the Central Asian region. Again, I give the example of defense partnership with Azerbaijan and Georgia. In addition to other areas, Turkey played a crucial role for modernization of the armies of these countries under the NATO guidance.
In terms of energy relations, Turkey’s focus is on enhancing regional connectivity, particularly through initiatives like the Trans-Caspian Corridor and its involvement in infrastructure projects such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars (BTK) railway. These efforts not only facilitate trade and movement but also enhance Turkey’s strategic position as a critical transit hub linking Central Asia, the Caucasus and Europe.
Historically, Russia has had significant control over Central Asia through both direct political influence and economic ties, including energy exports and military cooperation. As Central Asian countries seek more diversified partnerships, especially in trade and security, Turkey’s engagement might reduce Russia’s leverage although Russia remains a dominant player due to its long-standing relationships, economic connections and security alliances in the region. But we see some changes especially after the Ukraine War. Currently, even the members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization are not that satisfied with the Russian influence.
On the other hand, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has made a significant impact on Central Asia with massive investments in infrastructure, energy and trade. While Turkey’s capacity to rival China’s investments is limited, its appeal lies in offering a partnership that emphasizes regional autonomy, cultural ties and more balanced economic relationships. As such, the country provides a counterweight to China’s economic influence, particularly in areas such as trade and security where Central Asia may seek alternatives to Chinese dominance. For example, in November 2024, Turkey wrote off Kyrgyzstan’s $59 million debt, a gesture that strengthens their bilateral relations. This move comes at a time when Kyrgyzstan is grappling with China’s “debt trap” policy where large loans from China have led to growing concerns about unsustainable debt levels.
As a middle power, Turkey is unlikely to directly challenge Russia or China in Central Asia. Instead, it seeks to complement their influence by offering an alternative approach that respects Central Asia’s sovereignty. Turkey’s partnerships are framed within a context of mutual respect and cooperation, emphasizing the importance of a shared cultural heritage. By presenting itself as a partner in economic development, security and regional integration, Turkey avoids alienating Russia or China while strengthening its own position as a key regional actor.
Dr. Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu – Assistant Professor at Joongbu University and a Senior Researcher at the Institute of EU Studies at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in South Korea.
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