Since the unpopular reforms of the National Institute of Social Security (INSS), Nicaragua is experiencing a serious political and human rights crisis. According to the IACHR, The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, until October 2018 it has caused more than 320 deaths, meanwhile some other Human Rights Defense agencies speak of more than 400.
The crisis started when the President Ortega approved emergency reforms that increased the quotas and reduced the pensions of retirees. Most of the population was against such a measure. Some elders began the protest in the city of León, in the west of the country, on April 18. They were attacked and hard hit by the “’Juventud Sandinista” the youth branch of the FSLN (The Sandinista National Liberation Front), government party which was born initially to combat the dynastic dictatorship of the Somoza family. FSLN took the power with the revolution of July 1979 and escape of Somoza from Nicaragua.
After that attack a few young people decided to make a sit-in outside the Central American University (UCA). Also, this sit-down was attacked by members of the Sandinista Youth. The attack was broadcast on the national television, so the whole country watched how the Sandinista militants hit with stones and sticks the pacific protesters in the UCA.
The following day, April 19t, the protests multiplied. There were protests in the National University of Engineering (UNI), in the National Agrarian University (UNA) and in the Polytechnic University (Upoli). The UNI protesters were strongly repressed by the riot police, in complicity with members of the Sandinista Youth, to such an extent that they went to take refuge in the cathedral of Managua. On that day Richard Pavón was killed, the first dead of many. According stories it was the police who shot him in the neck.
The government was removing the signal from various television channels that were covering the protests. 
One of them was almost 6 days censored.
On April 20, the protests continued, with more deaths. The cathedral of Managua served as a collection center for the provisions that the residents were going to leave to the protesters.
Violence continued, the Government and various economic sectors called for dialogue, also the Catholic Church. Finally, the government decided to revoke the controversial reforms that started this crisis, while it called for the dialogue mediated by the Episcopal Conference of Nicaragua.
At the same time the “April 19 movement” was formed, a new opposition organization that was going to be part in the dialogue. On that day the protests and looting were gradually stopped. Apposite groups took the Polytechnic University (Upoli), symbol of resistance. But in the following days the tension continued in the country. There were marches demanding the departure of President Daniel Ortega or the advance of the elections scheduled for November 2021.
National Dialogue
The Episcopal Conference of Nicaragua agreed to be a “mediator and witness” in the national dialogue, in which should participate government delegations and delegations of the so-called civil society, as well as student representatives. The dialogue began on May 16 in the morning, President Ortega arrived strongly sheltered together with his wife and the vice president Rosario Murillo. Inside the delegations were already ready and the dialogue began.
President Ortega began to speak but was interrupted by the serious voice of the young German Lesther, who confronted him, together with a young woman who read the name of each of the dead. At the end of the dialogue, no agreement was reached, and the delegations retired.
The second day of dialogue the President Ortega did not arrive. The Chancellor Denis Moncada represented the national government. The bishops presented a proposal that in their words “it represents the desire of the majority of Nicaraguans”. The representative of the government responded that this proposal “was a way towards a coup d’état”. No relevant agreement was reached this day either.
Climax of the crisis
In May, the crisis continued with protests and blockades by opponents. In June the protests continued, and the dialogue did not advance. The Organization of American States (OAS) convened an extraordinary session on July 18 to address the crisis.
The Nicaraguan government protested for not having been taken into account for the carry out this session and denounced alleged interferences. The session ended with a resolution, approved by 21 countries, condemning all acts of repression allegedly carried out by the Ortega regime against the demonstrators. On August 2, a special group for Nicaragua was formed, consisting of 8 countries that should help Nicaragua to exit from the crisis. This group was considered as an interference and totally rejected by the Nicaraguan government.
In July, the government began “clean-up operations” using the national police and armed paramilitaries to eliminate street blockades. These operations left hundreds of dead injured and missing. There were even attacks on bishops of the Episcopal Conference and the Apostolic Nuncio.
In August, with the streets closed, the pace of struggle was lost, although the government was increasingly isolated at international level.
In September, in the session of the United Nations Security Council the situation of Nicaragua was put in the agenda through the intercession of the United States. Félix Maradiaga, opponent of the government, exposed the crisis in Nicaragua to the members of the council. But the issue was not continued because for some countries the Nicaraguan crisis was not an issue affecting world security.
At the end of September there was an attack on an opposition march with the result of one death.
Detention and torture
After the clean-up operations the national police were capturing opponents and blaming them for alleged burning, conspiracies and even assassinations. The first of one falling in prison was Medardo Mairena, member of the Civic Alliance in the national dialogue. Also, another member of the Civic Alliance, Edwin Carcache, was imprisoned. Opponents say that they are “political prisoners” and also human rights organizations share this position. Many of the prisoners that have been released said that they have been tortured in prison. Tortures ranging from abortions to rapes and castrations. According to human rights organizations, there are more than 2,000 political prisoners in the El Chipote cells.
Attack of protesters and presumed state terrorism
On April 23, the Higher Council of Private Enterprise (COSEP) called for a national march, that had a massive adhesion and realized without altercations. On April 27, also the Nicaraguan Catholic Church called for a protest march, that equally had a large participation without altercations.
“Mother of all marches”
The “Mother of all marches” was called on May 30, in honor of the mothers of those who were killed in the protests. According to various sources, this was the greatest march that has taken place in the history of Nicaragua. It is estimated that around 600,000 people participated. This march had a tragic end. According to witnesses, police were in the upper part of the Denis Martínez National Stadium from where they began firing against the demonstrators. People started running around fleeing from the rain of bullets. At the same time there were attacks on the marches of the other cities of the country. That day, according to the human rights organization, there were around 15 dead and hundreds of wounded. On the same day allegedly, enraged protesters burned Radio Ya, the propaganda instrument of the Ortega regime.
March of the flowers, this march was called in honor of the children and adolescents who died during the protests. The march was attacked near the UNAN, this attack left a dead
Geopolitical Chess
Nicaragua is located in the center of the Central America. It has two huge freshwater lakes. From there it is possible to contemplate the construction of an interoceanic canal that could competes with the one in Panama. For some time, the United States has shown interest in building this channel, although in the end it was in Panama where they built it.
In June 2013, the Nicaraguan parliament passed a law granting the construction rights to the Chinese capital company ‘HKND’ conferring also the administration rights for 50 years, extendable to another 50 years. Many peasants protested, however, these protests did not happen anymore.
The United States throughout the history has influenced in one way or another the politics of Nicaragua. Many sectors of the left and especially the government of Nicaragua have said that the protests in 2018 were actually a conspiracy of the local right and an “attempted coup d’état” funded by the United States through various NGOs operating in Nicaragua. In the sessions of the permanent council of the Organization of American States, the U.S. ambassador, Carlos Trujillo, has been one of the most critical voices towards the Ortega government. For some sectors this represents the confirmation that the United States has an interest in overthrowing to the government of Nicaragua.
Other countries, on the other hand, have been allies of the Nicaraguan government in the OAS and in the UN. Mainly Venezuela whose president Nicolás Maduro is friend and ally of Daniel Ortega. The Venezuelan foreign ministers have always defended the Ortega government. Even in the day of celebration of the Sandinista revolution, on July 19, 2018, Chancellor Jorge Arreaza said that the Venezuelan army was ready to defend Nicaragua in case of a hypothetical international intervention. Analysts took this as the consolidation of the alliance between the governments of Nicaragua and Venezuela.
Another defender of the Ortega government in international organizations is the government of Bolivia, this country has defended the government of Nicaragua in front of the OAS and the UN.
In the Central American region, there is a diversity of opinions regarding the crisis in Nicaragua. Costa Rica was the first country to pronounce about the crisis and it recommended that the Nicaraguan government should not repress the demonstrations. The Nicaraguan government responded that “Costa Rica should not deal about the internal affairs of Nicaragua”. But Costa Rica continued on its pressure and it has been one of the strongest voices raising the issue inside the OAS and the UN.
Honduras began voting against Nicaragua in the OAS. It was one of the 21 countries that condemned the regime, but in the last sessions of the permanent council of the OAS it abstained from voting. Also, Guatemala equal to Honduras initially voted against and then abstained in the last session. El Salvador’s leftist government has publicly supported the Ortega regime even if in the OAS sessions it has always abstained.
United Nations:
In the sessions of the Security Council of the UN there were discussions about the crisis in Nicaragua, with diversity of opinions. The United States, Costa Rica, Great Britain, France and several other countries said that it was necessary to put it in the agenda of the official talks of the Council and take a position about the situation, while Russia, China and Bolivia apposed underlying that it did not represent a threat to global peace.
Many believe that due the geostrategic position of Nicaragua the government is being targeted for destabilization. Other believe that what is happening in Nicaragua is the consequence of the family dictatorship of the Ortega-Murillo. Indisputable truth it is the serious impact in the region, where a reduction in the estimated economic growth for 2018 is expected due to the Nicaraguan crisis. Also, the irreplaceable human lives that have been lost. According to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, the dead exceed 340 in October 2018.
Image Credit: El 19 digital, Luis Rocha Urtecho, EFE/Jorge Torres