Greece and Turkey once again find themselves in the middle of bilateral tensions. Located on the crossroads of three continents, the Eastern Mediterranean is of great strategic significance. The Cyprus dispute, together with the energy exploration activities of Turkey, its role in Libya and the disputes over continental shelves in the Aegean, are all sources of concern for Greece.
The Cyprus issue technically should be not a Greek-Turkish dispute, but an issue between the island’s Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot communities. However, after the occupation of the northern part of the Island by the Turkish-Cypriot, as result of the military intervention of Turkey in 1974, Greece has made a commitment to provide material and moral support to Nicosia until an accepted solution is found.
On June 2020, Turkey rejected an offer by the European Union’s foreign policy chief Joseph Borrell to be the middleman in talks between Cyprus and Turkey. Hami Aksoy, spokesman for Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said Turkey doesn’t recognize Cyprus as a member of the European Union and the government of Cyprus doesn’t represent the Island, so Turkey will never sit at the table with the Greek Cypriot administration. Aksoy said the Greek-Cypriot government must negotiate with the Turkish-Cypriot government.
Repeated attempts aimed at reunifying the island have floundered and collapsed for decades. So, in this paper we will explore the historical roots and the internal and international aspects that make it difficult to find a solution to the complex problem of Cyprus.
Cyprus’issue: historical roots
The island of Cyprus has been a source of contention for a number of centuries now. The small island has been attacked, invaded and conquered since the days of the Roman Empire. Because of the violence that has always come its way, the island’s citizens have always suffered greatly through the tragedy that befalls each invasion. Through the multiple invasions that the island suffered, two main communities emerged through the passage of time: the Greek Cypriot community and the Turkish Cypriot community. The Greek Cypriots were the overwhelming majority in terms of population; however, the Turkish Cypriots always had enough numbers to be considered a significant community on the island and also called it home.
The disputes that the Turkish and Greek Cypriots had with each other always came down to the same issue at the end of the day: claim over the island. This contention over the status of the island led to an escalation of tension between the two communities that has resulted in the partition that the island now sees today. In order to understand how the island of Cyprus has reached this point, it is important to understand the background to every major event that has occurred and how it plays a role in determining what possible solutions lie in the future.
Greek Cypriots
The island of Cyprus is roughly 1000km from the country of Greece. The major religion of Greek Cypriots is Greek Orthodox and the Church of Cyprus has the same traditions as the Church of Greece. The influence of Greek culture on the island of Cyprus dates back almost as far as history can record. In fact, the name of the island ‘Cyprus’ is derived from the Greek word of copper, ‘Kypros’. Evidence obtained through archeology shows that Greek settlers first came to Cyprus around 1200 BC. In fact, there is evidence that there was migration to the island before that as well from the area of Achaea but there it is certain that the community had settlers in Cyprus from 1200 BC. Thus, the claim of Greek Cypriots over the island of Cyprus has thousands of years of history behind it.
Throughout this period of time, the island fell to many invading armies which includes the Egyptians, Assyrians, Romans and Persians. The most significant occupying power that would have a lasting impact on the island was the Ottoman Empire from 1571 to 1878. Throughout all this time, the Greek Cypriots have always been the overwhelming majority on the island and have seen themselves to be an extension of Greece.
Turkish Cypriots
The roots of Turkish Cypriots began when the Ottoman empire invaded and conquered the island in 1572. The community began to grow when soldiers from the conquering ottoman army elected to stay back and settle in the island as well as the steady migration of ottomans, mainly from the city of Antalya. The religion followed by Turkish Cypriots is mainly Islam and the language spoken by them was Turkish.
There was a period of time on the island where Turkish Cypriots became the overwhelming majority population. During the period of 1745-1814, it was believed that Turkish Cypriots made around 75% of the population; however, this majority decreased for a number of reasons. Firstly, many Turkish Cypriots were obligated to join the Ottoman army and passed away during their service. Another major reason came about when the Ottoman empire lost control of the island to the British which resulted in a mass migration each year of Turkish Cypriots to Turkey. Soon enough, Greek Cypriots would resume their status as the major community on the island.
Greek and Turkish Cypriot Claim
The important factor to consider here is that the island of Cyprus does not have its own separate identity. Thus, being ‘Cypriot’ means very little to people. The island is divided along the lines of foreign identities which then shapes the politics of the island. The background of both populations provides a nutshell of how each community sees their claim to the island of Cyprus. The Greek Cypriots believe themselves to be the indigenous population since evidence shows that those with Greek roots were the first settlers on the island. Despite the numerous raids and invasions, they have always stayed on the island and have been the community that has consistently grown throughout the island’s history.
The Turkish Cypriots do not have the same history on the island as the Greek Cypriots do but have lived and established their roots on the island during the 3 centuries of rule that the Ottomans had over the island. While Greek Cypriots may point out the Turkish Cypriots came and went from the island, including the mass migration back to Turkey during British rule, Turkish Cypriots point out that they stayed on the island because it is their home. They were born there; their ancestors were born there; this is the only home that they have ever known.
While it is not unusual for multiple communities to call a land their home, the division along ethnic lines would prove to stir some trouble during the years of British rule. The tension born during that period would escalate into violence between the two communities that would lead the island to the state that it is in today.
British Control of Cyprus
In 1878, an agreement was reached between the Ottomans and the British that would allow the British to have administrative control over the island. The island itself would remain a territory of the Ottomans but would instead be ruled by the British. This was done in exchange for the support of the British during the Congress of Berlin. This was a negotiation taking place at the time in the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish wars of 1877-78 in which the status of several territories were to be determined. Thus, the British would support the claim of the Ottoman empire over several territories while the Ottomans would hand over administrative control of the island to the British. This understanding would continue to exist until 1914 when World War 1 began. The Ottomans decided to join the side of the Central Powers and found themselves on the opposite sides with the British. Since the British and Ottomans were now enemies, and because they had control over the island anyway, the British annexed Cyprus as part their empire.
Belief In Enosis
Enosis refers to the unification of Greek territories outside of the mainland with Greece itself. With regards to Cyprus, the desire for Enosis referred to the belief that Greek Cypriots held that Cyprus is actually an extension of Greece. Thus, they demanded that the island be formally annexed with Greece. Understandably, this did not sit well with the Turkish Cypriots. Turkish Cypriots regarded Cyprus as a separate country while Greek Cypriots did not see it that way. They viewed it as historically a Greek island and considered Enosis to be a natural right.
Enosis was always a matter discussed within Cyprus but only began to gain steam when the British took control over the island. Many Greek Cypriots viewed the transfer of the island to the British as a signal of the intention to allow Enosis; the British did not see it that way. For them, Cyprus was a strategic port on the route from Europe to Asia that allowed more convenient access to their other colonies.
When World War 1 broke out, and British formally annexed the island, they offered to transfer the sovereignty of the Island to Greece in exchange for Greece entering the war on the side of the British – Greece declined the offer. Greece was not indifferent to Enosis but can also be accused of not sharing the same vigor and passion for the idea in the manner that Greek Cypriots did. In 1913, the Cretan state, which was formerly governed by the Ottoman empire, succeeded in its desire for Enosis and reunited with Greece. Seeing that, the urge for Enosis on Cyprus grew stronger and stronger.
During this entire time, Turkish Cypriots became more and more wary of the growing support for Enosis. It is not as if they missed the Ottoman rule of Cyprus, many Turkish Cypriots were content with the rule of the British. However, they feared union of Cyprus with Greece. News of other territories, that formerly belonged to the Ottoman empire, that were joining Greece came to the knowledge of Turkish Cypriots. They heard of how the minorities were subjected to violence, persecution and mass deportation after union with Greece. Thus, Turkish Cypriots feared for their own safety and status and strongly opposed Enosis.
Formation of EOKA
The desire for Enosis in Cyprus was growing stronger and stronger. The Church of Cyprus became a source of Greek nationalism that played a strong role on the social and political life of Greek Cypriots. The British made several efforts to try and curtail the desire for Enosis and the affiliation of Greek Cypriots towards Greece. This included the passage of the Education Act which sought to diminish Greek influence in the studies part of the school system. All acts of British to oppose Enosis were resisted by the Greek Cypriots. These activities resulted in a revolt in 1931 when Greek Cypriots besieged the Governor’s House and eventually set it on fire. British flags were removed from all public offices around the island and Greek ones were hoisted instead. The revolts died down eventually but the British had been put on notice: Enosis is an issue strong enough worth fighting for.
After seeing that Enosis would not be reached by diplomatic means, many Greek Cypriots realized that such a change could only be brought about through taking up arms. The EOKA (loosely translated to the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle) was a group formed by Greek Cypriots with the specific aim of bringing about Enosis through any means necessary. At its outset, it came into formation with the aim of launching a military campaign.
The EOKA was headed by a Greek army officer named Georgios Grivas who was a veteran of both the World Wars. Grivas had a very different approach to achieving Enosis in comparison to Archbishop of Cyprus, Makarios III. The Archbishop of Cyprus was not only the head of the orthodox church in Cyprus but was also regarded to be the political leader of Greek Cypriots. Although Makarios was accused of secretly siding with the EOKA, he publicly advocated for diplomatic means to be used to achieve Enosis. Grivas did not agree with this stance. He believed that a military-like operation was necessary to bring about the circumstances necessary to achieve Enosis. Thus, on the face of it he and Makarios but disagreed upon the methods, even though they both shared the same goal.
The EOKA stuck true to its word regarding violence and in March 1955, a series of 18 bomb attacks took place around the island. The British responded by reinforcing their military in the island and taking a more concerted approach towards resisting EOKA. The EOKA continued to use bomb attacks against police and military outposts while also targeting senior officials. Even Greek Cypriots who opposed Enosis were targeted in these attacks. Turkish Cypriots who were also vocal against Enosis were targeted and the growth of EOKA proved to Turkish Cypriots that Enosis would threaten their safety unless they took measures to prevent it.
Emergence of Takism
Witnessing the growing violence that had emerged over the decade, Turkish Cypriots began to become worried about their future on the island. They had heard of persecution and deportation that had occurred in the island of Creta since it joined Greece and feared for their own safety. While different strategies were adopted, including encouraging British rule and even suggesting that Cyprus be annexed by Turkey, the most prominent solution that gained traction with the masses was that of Takism. Takism meant the partition of the island of Cyprus between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots. Thus, the Turkish Cypriots did not oppose Enosis so long as only the Greek Cypriot portion of the island ceded to Greece and not their independent side. Naturally, Greek Cypriots opposed this idea as it was their claim that the entire island of Cyprus belongs to Greece and that Turkish Cypriots have no say or claim over the island.
As EOKA emerged and became more coordinated in targeting the opposition of Enosis, Turkish Cypriots turned to form their own organization that would counter EOKA. Thus, the TMT (Turkish Resistance Organization) was formed in 1956. Unlike EOKA, this organization did not receive any resistance from the British – in fact, the British welcomed the formation of this organization. They were facing difficulties in defeating the highly efficient functioning of EOKA who had intelligence personnel placed in almost every high-profile professions including the police and military. Prior to the formation of TMT, the British were also specifically recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police to resist the EOKA. Thus, the British welcomed their support in countering EOKA even though there would be no formal announcement to the matter.
Since the TMT was known the be getting the implicit support of the British, Grivas declared them to be the enemies. Although he tried to resist making Turkish Cypriots their opponents, as he wanted to assure them that they would be safe when Enosis would be achieved, the formation and actions of TMT left him no other choice. Thus, after much escalation of tensions between the two communities, the Greek and Turkish Cypriots were at cross roads with one another and engaging in armed conflict. Greek Cypriots viewed Turkish Cypriots as the opponents to their goals and the latter held the same view with the former. After centuries of sharing the same island, the two communities were now enemies.
Path Towards Independence
All three major stakeholders on the island of Cyprus were now involved in some type of armed conflict. The Greek Cypriots, through EOKA, targeted all those who opposed Enosis, which included both the British and the Turkish Cypriots. The British was keen on trying to restore order and was fighting back against the EOKA. The Turkish Cypriots knew that they had to enter the fray to guarantee their safety and used the TMT, with British support, to fight against EOKA. One thing was certain, the island could no longer go back to the colonial rule that it was in before and a new system of governance had to be carved out.
Makarios, who was believed to have ties to the EOKA, had been exiled by the British from Cyprus but even abroad he was campaigning for Enosis. Through his persuasion, Greece had brought forward the issue of Cyprus multiple times before the United Nations and urged for the right of self-determination for the people of Cyprus.
In 1957, the new governor of Cyprus rejected both Enosis and Takism and proposed temporary self-government of the island. There were many reasons for the British proposing this but one of the main reasons was so that the British could maintain their military bases on the island, which would have been difficult to achieve had Cyprus been annexed by Greece. This plan was opposed by both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots as both of their goals were rejected.
Violence erupted as a result of this proposal. Turkish Cypriots organized protests which broke into riots which led to police using violence against Turkish Cypriots. By now, both major communities were completely against British rule. The ensuing months involved a lot of unrest and violence. Shops of both Turkish and Greek Cypriots were looted and burned, members of both communities were targeted and the death toll of civilians rose in both communities. Many Greek and Turkish Cypriots fled their neighborhoods in which they were the minority which led to segregation of the island on more ethnic lines. It became clear for the British that if the violence was ever going to stop, it must give up its control over the island. Thus, the independence of the island of Cyprus began to be discussed.
Independence of Cyprus
There were many indicators that led to the independence of Cyprus instead of Enosis or Takism. Firstly, the British knew by know that they could not install peace and security on the island. Both communities were strongly determined to achieve their goals and had turned on the British. Secondly, the Turkish Cypriot community had become more and more vocal with their goals. Takism was beginning to strongly represent their aims and they were beginning to receive support from Turkey as well, which had expressed its desire to protect the right Turkish Cypriots. Thirdly, Greek Cypriots knew that the chances of Enosis were bleak. Greece sympathized with Greek Cypriots but did not share the enthusiasm that they did. Turkey had become more involved in the politics of the island and hence, the chances that Turkey would agree to Enosis greatly reduced the chances of it happening. Therefore, Greek Cypriots settled for claiming independence since that was the best option that was available to them at the time.
The independence of Cyprus was to happen through an agreement that concerned all stakeholders. Greek Cypriots were going to be represented by Makarios, Turkish Cypriots were to be represented by Dr. Fazil Kukuc and the three foreign powers, British, Greece and Turkey, would also be part of the agreement. A new constitution was drawn up for Cyprus and the agreement on the constitution was supplemented with three additional treaties concerning Cyprus as well. The Treaty of Alliance provided that Greece and Turkey would be allowed to place a small contingent of their army on the island. The Treaty of Establishment allowed the British to maintain two military bases on the island over which it would have sovereignty. Furthermore, and the most significant of these treaties, was the treaty of Guarantee which provided that the accession or succession of the island to any foreign power was forbidden and that should any country indulge in this, any of the three guarantor powers (Turkey, Greece and Britain) had the right to intervene and prevent the violation of the agreement.
Constitution of 1960
The first constitution of the country sought to protect the minority rights of Turkish Cypriots. It provided for a presidential system in which there would be a separation of powers between the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. The President of Cyprus would be a Greek Cypriot while the Vice-President would be a Turkish Cypriot. Both of these positions had the right to veto certain executive and legislative matters. There would be a council of ministers in which there would be seven Greek Cypriot members and three Turkish Cypriot members. The House of Representatives would be divided between the two communities as well; 35 members would be Greek Cypriots and 15 would be Turkish Cypriots.
The division of the government according to the constitution did not sit well with the Greek Cypriots. At the time of independence, 81% of the population were believed to be Greek Cypriots while 19% were believed to be Turkish Cypriots. In the eyes of Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots had been given too much authority over the new government. For many of them, the defeat of Enosis was already hard to bear with but the sharing of the government with Turkish Cypriots was just not possible for them to stomach.
Constitutional Amendments
Makarios, the first president of Cyprus, found himself under pressure from a variety of places. There were those Greek Cypriots who accepted the newly found state but disagreed with the role the Turkish Cypriots had been granted in it. For them, Turkish Cypriots were too small of a minority to be given this big of a representation. On the other hand, Enosis was still an idea that was strongly supported by many Greek Cypriots and now that Greek Cypriots had independence From the British, they viewed the path towards Enosis open.
While Makarios could not achieve Enosis, he surely spoke highly in favor of it. But before he could go about achieving that, he first had to change the constitution. In 1963, while the provisions of the 1960 while still in the process of being implemented in letter and spirit, Makarios suggested 13 constitutional amendments. These 13 amendments significantly reduced the role and power the Turkish Cypriots had in the government. Amendments included matters such as removing the veto that is available to the President and Vice President (which would affect the Turkish Cypriots more since the President losing his veto did not affect him as much), abandoning separate municipalities sought by the Turkish Cypriots and removing the requirement for a majority of both Turkish and Greek Cypriots over legislation. Through these amendments, the Turkish Cypriots would have gone on to be simple figureheads as all of their views could be overruled by the clear majority of Greek Cypriots.
Period of Intercommunal Violence
The response to the amendments proposed by Makarios are hotly contested by both sides. Turkish Cypriots resigned from their major posts in the government which included the Vice-President. Many Turkish Cypriots in public service left their positions as well. Greek Cypriot claim that this was a planned effort on behalf of all Turkish Cypriots to sabotage the settlement of Cyprus and create the groundwork for Turkish invasion. Turkish Cypriots claim that their resistance to the proposed amendment resulted in intimidation and threats by the EOKA against Turkish Cypriots. As a result, Turkish Cypriots were forced to abandon their jobs and homes and leave for their own safety. Whatever the narrative may be, what resulted after was a great suffering borne by the Turkish Cypriot community.
On the 21st of December 1963, a day now known by Turkish Cypriots as ‘Bloody Christmas’, Greek Cypriot police officers detained a number of Turkish Cypriots. Disagreement over their treatment rose and a crowd gathered which resulted in the police officers opening fire on the crowd and killing at least two Turkish Cypriots. Violence ensued over the coming days and Turkish Cypriots all over the island were made targets.
Greece sent additional 12000 troops into Cyprus in order to deter what they claimed to be Turkish aggression. Stories of soldiers coming and taking away adolescent men from their homes, never to return home, emerged in the years after the violence. Turkish Cypriots abandoned their homes in fear of their safety and ran to remote areas to find shelter. Before the violence, Turkish Cypriots were believed to be residing in 35% of the area of the island but during the time of the violence they were forced into 5% of the island. As a result of this action, approximately 25,000 Turkish Cypriots became refugees. The security situation of the country had become so dire that the United Nations sent a peacekeeping force to try and establish stability on the island, much to the relief of the guarantor powers.
For the first time in Cyprus history, one of the communities led a strategic violent campaign against the other. Turkish Cypriots had been painted as the enemies and were targeted throughout the island. Men and boys were dragged away by Greek soldiers or were killed in the violence. Women were reported to have been raped before being killed as well. In 1964, mass graves were found on the island in which a number of bodies had been piled together.
Although no foreign government was directly affecting the status of the island, Turkey was enraged by the violence being conducted against Turkish Cypriots. It was on the verge of sending its military to interfere in the island but only abstained after the United States encouraged it not to. Nonetheless, this period was widely publicized in Turkey and its people, and soldiers, would not forget this incident soon.
Greek Cypriots, in their education and otherwise, strongly deny the violence that took place against Turkish Cypriots. Instead, they claim that Greek Cypriots were the victims during this period while Turkish Cypriots were the aggressors. This period in Cyprus history is officially denied to a great extent. In 2004, the Greek Cypriot President even claimed that no single Turkish Cypriot was killed between 1963 and 1974. However, many journalists and organizations have recognized the tragedy that Turkish Cypriots went through during this period
Growing Desire for Enosis
As the position of Turkish Cypriots weakened in the country, and Turkey was held off against invading the island by the United States, the desire for Enosis grew stronger and stronger. Greek Cypriots believed that nothing stood in the way of Enosis now and all that was left was for the Greek Cypriots government to announce its desire to do so. Greece was not as willing to go through with Enosis since it would violate the Treaty of Guarantee and give ground for Turkey to invade the island. However, such reservations of the Greek government were soon wiped away when a military junta overthrew the government of Greece and the new government strongly supported Enosis. In fact, the new government started increasing its pressure on Makarios to declare Enosis.
Makarios, however, was trying his best to bring peace and stability back into the island. Turkey was placing pressure on him to remove Grivas, who was engaged in fighting the Turkish Cypriots, and also remove the 12,000 troops that Greece had sent into Cyprus. Makarios complied with both of these demands and removed Grivas while also ordering the withdrawal of the troops. It seemed that Makarios had done enough to try and promote peace in the island and all but declared that Enosis was no longer possible and Cyprus should work towards its own independent future; this did not sit well with many Greek Cypriots.
Overthrow of Makarios
Grivas was enraged by Makarios’ new position and branded him as a traitor. He returned to Cyprus in 1971 and began reestablishing the EOKA, which would be referred to now as EOKA-B. The new Greek government supported Grivas’ position and sent him funds to help his efforts. Slowly and surely Makarios position began to weaken and he became vulnerable. Greek Cypriots continued to demand Enosis and saw that Makarios no longer would be able to help them achieve that. As a result of all of this, in 1974, a coup was organized by the Greek army in Cyprus in Makarios was overthrown. In his stead, Nikos Sampson, a pro-Enosis Greek Cypriot was placed in charge.
Turkish Invasion
The overthrow of Makarios signaled to the Turkish government that Greece was supporting Enosis on Cyprus. With the installment of a pro-Enosis president, Turkey viewed it only as a matter of time until the island would cede to Greece. Since the violence against the Turkish Cypriots were still fresh in memory, Turkey would not wait for diplomatic means to resolve this issue. Four days after Makarios was overthrown, Turkey invaded Cyprus.
There were two waves to Turkey’s invasion in Cyprus. The first wave was deemed to have been found legal under the Treaty of Guarantee. The overthrow of Makarios and clear intention for Enosis created the circumstances that justified Turkey’s interference. However, the second wave of invasion by the Turkish army sought to solidify their control of the island and went on to establish control over roughly 1/3rd of the island, which continues till today. The situation remained as it is from 1974 until 1983 when Turkey declared that the Turkish federated part of Cyprus had declared independence from the rest of Cyprus and would now be known as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC).
War Crimes Against Greek Cypriots
The Turkish military came in with a mission not only to save Turkish Cypriots, but also to take revenge for the violence that had started in 1963. As a result, the Turkish army engaged in acts of crime. The army landed in the northern area of the island and began to engage in ethnic cleansing of Greek Cypriots. There was little to no resistance from the Greek forces on the island and as a result, the Turkish army sough to target civilians as well. The Turkish army would go on to be found by the European Commission of Human Rights to be guilty of war crimes. They were found to violently have taken control of the northern area of Cyprus. While the Turkish authorities claimed that their soldiers only acted to preserve the security of Turkish Cypriots, history has shown that both sides have come to accept that the Turkish army inflicted many brutalities on the Greek Cypriots.
Attempts at Reunification
The declaration of independence by TRNC was immediately rejected by both Cyprus and the United Nations. Till this day, only Turkey itself recognizes TRNC as an actual country. Since then, several efforts have been made to reunify the island of Cyprus. The closest that the island has come to reunification has been through the Annan Plan.
The Annan Plan is known as the Cyprus reunification plan. It was a proposal from the United Nations to both the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots on the nature of the government that could be acceptable to both parties in a unified island. By this time, Enosis has long been forgotten. While some may still mention it here or there, the invasion by Turkey, and the subsequent brutalities that it brought, had made Enosis fall down the pecking order of priorities. Thus, the Annan Plan was focused solely on the unification and independence of Cyprus.
The Annan Plan was named after the Secretary General of the United Nations at the time, Mr. Kofi Annan, who was at the center of the negotiations taking place between all relevant stakeholders. The plan went through 5 revisions before the terms of the deal were finalized and acceptable. The plan was to be decided by a referendum of the people of both countries. Therefore, both the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots had to agree to this plan in order for it to be implemented.
The plan suggested a federal model of government in which there would be a presidential council. This council would consist of 6 voting members of which four would be Greek Cypriots and two would be Turkish Cypriots who would be voted in by the Parliament. There would be a President and Vice President, chosen by the Presidential Council amongst their own members, and would consist of one Greek Cypriot and one Turkish Cypriot. The President and Vice President would alternate in their position after 20 months. Thus, there would be a Turkish Cypriot President for 20 months and a Greek Cypriot President for 20 months. The parliament would consist of an upper house and a lower house. The upper house, the senate, would consist of 24 members each for both communities. The lower house would consist of 48 members based on population of both communities but would contain a minimum of 12 members of Turkish Cypriots.
There were many other provisions included in the plan itself and it received the support of not only Greece and UK but also of Turkey (Turkey was given the incentive of showing its support in exchange for entering the EU). However, both the leaders of the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots opposed it. When the time came for the referendum, the world expected the Turkish Cypriots to reject the plan. It was believed that they would not want to join hands with the Greek Cypriots again, especially considering their history. Furthermore, they now had control over more of the island than their population’s portion. Greek Cypriots on the other hand were expected to vote in favor of the plan since they had always rejected the existence of TRNC and claimed that Cyprus is the whole island and not a division of it. Surprisingly, it was the Turkish Cypriots who voted in favor of the plan and Greek Cypriots who voted against it. Due to the rejection on part of the Greek Cypriots, the plan that had the greatest chance of unifying the island failed.
Matters Preventing Union
There are a number of issues that are turning out to be roadblocks for the unification of Cyprus. Each of them are discussed below:
– European Union
The membership of the EU proved to be a strategy that was played horribly wrong. While the discussions regarding the Annan Plan were taking place, it was believed that offering EU membership to Cyprus would encourage TRNC to reunite with Cyprus. This is mainly because TRNC is only recognized by Turkey and thus the entire economic support of the country is coming from Turkey. Overtime, it has proven hard for Turkey to provide adequate support for TRNC. Furthermore, Turkey was also given the incentive of joining the EU, which it has sought to do for so long, in exchange for supporting the Annan Plan. It was the only way that Turkey would cease its control over a very strategic area off of its coast.
However, the plan for offering EU membership backfired. It was believed that once Cyprus was offered membership, TRNC would seek to reunite. This part turned out true since the Turkish Cypriots voted in favor of the Annan Plan. However, the Greek Cypriots looked at it in a different way. By the time the Annan Plan was put to vote, Cyprus’ membership into the EU had been affirmed and was in the process. The Greek Cypriots believed that once they joined the EU, they would have more bargaining power. They would have the power to veto Turkey’s entrance into the EU and would also have more leverage against the Turkish Cypriots to negotiate an agreement more favorable to them than the Annan Plan. Thus, based on this and many other reasons, they voted against the Annan Plan.
Unfortunately, this strategy has not worked out well. The membership of Cyprus into the EU has proven to be a thorn in the negotiation process and was also seen to be an insult by Turkey. Instead of giving more bargaining power, it has completely broken-down negotiations.
– Turkey’s Military Presence
Turkey has maintained that if TRNC is to join Cyprus, then Turkey must be allowed to maintain its military presence. It currently has over 40,000 troops on the island and their presence is viewed as a security threat by the Greek Cypriots, who believe that Turkey’s ultimate plan is to take over the entire island.
Under the Annan Plan, Turkey was allowed to main its military presence to a certain degree. This is something that it has been very insistent upon. On the face of it, Turkey claims that it must do this to protect the Turkish Cypriots from Greek Cypriots aggression. However, it is widely believed that Turkey wishes to main its military presence on the island because of its geopolitical value. Either way, Greek Cypriots cannot tolerate Turkish troops and Turkey does not wish to compromise on its position there.
– Turkish Settlers in TRNC
A major issue that enrages the Greek Cypriots is that of Turkish settlers in TRNC. Turkish settlers are immigrants from the mainland of Turkey that settled in TRNC. They were able to do this since the government of TRNC sold them houses and properties that belonged to Greek Cypriots who, because of the Turkish invasion, either no longer lived there or had been killed. It is estimated that Turkish settlers and their descendants now make up half of the population of TRNC.
Greek Cypriots claim that Turkey did this in order to increase the strength of Turkish Cypriots on the island. If the numbers of the population of both communities are somewhat similar, it will give the Turkish Cypriots more authority to demand equal representation in the government. Therefore, they reject the presence of Turkish settlers on the island. If there is to be a solution, all immigrants must leave the island according to them. Unfortunately, that is very difficult to accomplish now. Many settlers have been living there for decades. Many have had children there who now also have their own children. Furthermore, these settlers have also married into families of Turkish Cypriots. Thus, it is impossible to find out who exactly among the population of TRNC will have to leave.
– Return of Property
The Turkish invasion is still fresh in the memory of many Greek Cypriots. They have not forgotten the homes that they left behind. For many of them, those were lands that had been passed down from generation to generation. One demand on the unification of the island is that the Greek Cypriots who wish to return to their ancestral homes be allowed to do so. For others that had lost property due to the invasion, some type of payment system would be created by the government to make up for their losses.
Unfortunately, there is great disagreement by TRNC over returning properties to Greek Cypriots. Many Turkish Cypriots who fled the South of Cyprus to join TRNC now live in those properties. For them, they also left their houses behind and would seek restitution if it came down to it. Furthermore, who is responsible for these payments, how much is to be given? These are questions that do not have easy answers. Therefore, both sides seem bent on standing their ground on this issue but aren’t keen to be the first ones to suggest solutions.
– Type of Government
After the dismissal of the Annan Plan, the Turkish Cypriots are not so keen to compromise on matters that they were when the plan was voted upon. For starters, they do not want the system of government that the Annan Plan was proposing. Instead, they wish to continue a form of TRNC in alliance with Cyprus. Thus, they do not wish to join Cyprus but instead want to create a completely different country. If that is not possible, then they want to have two states in Cyprus, one of Greek Cypriots and one of Turkish Cypriots, and have autonomy over most aspects by these states. Such a proposal is not acceptable to Greek Cypriots. They do not wish to be excluded from roughly 1/3rd of the island that TRNC has right now. They wish to propose a bi-communal and bi-zonal solution in which there are Greek and Turkish Cypriot representation in some manner or the other. However, the Turkish Cypriots feel that if they agree to this, they will not have an adequate enough say in the matters of the country.
– Motivation
A major issue right now, unfortunately, is that there isn’t a whole lot of motivation to find a solution to the Cyprus issue on the part of Greek Cypriots. While it first began as a matter of pride for them, now there seems to be advantages for the status quo to continue. This is not the situation on the ground but instead for many of those in influential positions. For example, a big industry in Cyprus is the tourist industry. Tourism is going to continue in Cyprus but many fear that the focus of tourism will turn to the north, currently TRNC, if the island was reunited. The northern areas of Cyprus are believed to be much more beautiful and attractive than the southern areas and many feel that tourism businesses in the south will take a hit.
Furthermore, reuniting the island means Turkish Cypriots also becoming part of the EU. Therefore, Cyprus will have to share its advantages and perks of the EU with the rest of the island instead of enjoying it all to itself now. Matters such as these have led to Greek Cypriots indicating their support for reunification but not actively pursuing it.
Conclusion
The Cyprus issue is a very complicated matter. It relates to an island that has centuries of history behind it. Two main communities fight over the area and both have suffered horrible tragedies through the course of the conflict. Furthermore, neither is intent on accepting blame on any part and is bent on blaming the other for all that has befallen the island.
There is no way to know for sure how this matter will be resolved. However, many experts predict that reunification has little to no chance left. The most likely outcome, as many believe, is formal partition of the island and acceptance of TRNC as a country. Whatever the solution, one can only hope that the island ceases to see any further suffering and peace remains constant in the future.
Photo credit: ALEX MITA/AFP via Getty Images
Pdf file: The Cyprus Issue historical roots and internal and international dimensions